Thursday, December 01, 2005

Guardian Unlimited | Special reports | UN makes record $4.7bn humanitarian aid appeal

Guardian Unlimited | Special reports | UN makes record $4.7bn humanitarian aid appeal
UN makes record $4.7bn humanitarian aid appeal

Associated Press and Paul Owen
Thursday December 1, 2005

A ten-month-old girl suffering from malnutrition lies in hospital in Maradi, Niger. Photograph: Schalk van Zuydam/AP

The United Nations has appealed for a record $4.7bn (£2.7bn) to ease major humanitarian crises around the world in 2006, with around a third earmarked for the Darfur region of Sudan.
The figure is the most the UN has ever asked for in its initial appeal at the start of the year.

The 2006 humanitarian appeal will cover 31 million people, mainly in Africa and south-east Asia. The UN said it is the equivalent of 48 hours of global military spending, or the cost of two cups of coffee for the world's billion richest people.
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"In a world of plenty, continued suffering is a terrible stain on our conscience," said the UN secretary general, Kofi Annan. "It is inexcusable that we not strive, with every resource at our disposal, to eliminate suffering."
Countries covered include African nations that have long been in crisis, including Chad, Congo, Liberia, Somalia, Uganda and Zimbabwe. Also on the list are Chechnya, the Palestinian territories, Colombia and Nepal.

The $1.5bn sought for Sudan reflects the grave nature of the problem in Darfur, where humanitarian work is threatened by continued clashes between government-backed Arab militias and rebel groups, said Jan Egeland, the UN's humanitarian relief coordinator.

"It's not going well in Darfur at all," he said. "We are stretched to the limit. We're hanging in there by our fingernails." Donors around the world met just 57% of last year's worldwide appeal, which started out at $1.7bn and focused on forgotten crises.

The appeal shot up to $5.9bn after the Indian Ocean tsunami and other disasters including the Kashmir earthquake, but not all the money has been given.

Mr Egeland said one of the main problems was that 90% of aid came from 10 countries - including the US, Japan and European nations - while oil producing nations in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East continued to eschew the appeals.

Monday, November 28, 2005

Universities Say New Rules Could Hurt U.S. Research - New York Times

Universities Say New Rules Could Hurt U.S. Research - New York Times
November 26, 2005
Universities Say New Rules Could Hurt U.S. Research
By SCOTT SHANE
WASHINGTON, Nov. 25 - American universities are warning that rules proposed by the Defense Department and expected soon from the Commerce Department could hurt research by limiting the ability of foreign-born students and technicians to work with sensitive technology in laboratories.

One target of the proposed rules is believed to be China because more than 60,000 Chinese citizens are studying in the United States and Chinese intelligence officials are strongly seeking American technology for military use, experts in the field said.

Universities have submitted hundreds of comments criticizing the proposed rules, and they argue that tight restrictions on research by foreigners could backfire and actually hurt national security by hindering scientific progress.

"The impact on research could be very serious," Barry Toiv, a spokesman for the Association of American Universities, said Friday. "The bottom line is that research that benefits both our economy and our national security just won't happen."

The rules govern the use of software, equipment or technical data that has military applications and therefore cannot be exported to certain countries without a license. A similar license, called a deemed export license, is required when the same sensitive technology is used by a foreign citizen in an American laboratory, on the ground that such a foreigner might return home and reproduce the technology there.

In practice, many foreign researchers are exempt from the licensing requirement if they are conducting basic research and their work is intended for publication, on the ground that the information they are producing will be shared widely to advance science.

The Commerce Department, whose inspector general last year recommended tighter regulations, is expected to propose the new rules by the end of this year.

The Defense Department proposed new regulations in July and is expected to produce final rules early next year, say lobbyists who follow the matter.

In a report last year, the Commerce Department's inspector general, Johnnie E. Frazier, warned that existing regulations were not protecting secrets from potential spies in American laboratories. The report proposed tightening the rules, including using the country of birth of a foreign laboratory worker, not his current citizenship, to determine whether a license is needed.

The report said, for instance, that an Iranian-born Canadian citizen who held dual citizenship would be considered a Canadian under the current regulations and would therefore not be subject to the licensing requirement.

But Tobin L. Smith, a senior federal relations officer for the Association of American Universities, said a person's country of birth often gave no clue to his allegiance. Moreover, the report's recommendations would cost universities millions of dollars to inventory sensitive equipment, determine students' birthplaces and study which foreigners were using which machines.

"Our faculties don't want to say, 'Before you can work on this equipment I need to know where you were born,' " Mr. Smith said.

The proposed Defense Department rules would require contractors, including universities getting research financing, to create separate security badges for foreign citizens and "segregated work areas" for research using export-controlled technology.

"That's not really realistic in a campus environment," where students and researchers must share laboratories, equipment and information, Mr. Smith said.

According to the Institute of International Education, 565,000 foreign students were enrolled last year at United States colleges and universities. The largest number of them, 80,466, came from India, with China in second place at 62,523.

Larry M. Wortzel, a former military intelligence officer who worked in the American Embassy in Beijing and at the Pentagon, said he believed that the rules should be tightened and that a foreign researcher's birthplace should be considered.

"You have to recognize that Chinese intelligence does target ethnicity," said Dr. Wortzel, a member of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, which was created by Congress in 2000 to monitor the security implications of trade with China.

Noting that American jet engine technology is superior to China's, he said: "I don't see any reason why we should make it easier for China to build supersonic jets they could use to attack Taiwan, Japan or the U.S. They're not an ally."

At the same time, Dr. Wortzel said, "if this is done clumsily, it really will hurt university research."
Copyright 2005 The New York Times Company

Wednesday, November 23, 2005

Bush Winds Up Asia Trip With a Taste of Mongolia

Bush Winds Up Asia Trip With a Taste of MongoliaBush Winds Up Asia Trip With a Taste of Mongolia

By Peter Baker
Washington Post Staff Writer
Tuesday, November 22, 2005; A25

ULAN BATOR, Mongolia, Nov. 21 -- No wonder President Bush wants the Mongolians to stay in his coalition in Iraq, considering the fierce-looking, armor-clad, horseback-riding Mongol warriors who greeted him on Monday.

Bush visited this country, the home of Genghis Khan, on his way home from a week-long trip to Asia to thank the government here for maintaining a military contingent of about 130 men in Iraq. He became the first American president to visit Mongolia -- and probably the first to drink fermented mare's milk in a felt tent guarded by the latter-day Golden Horde and a herd of camels and yaks.

"Really special," the president said after examining the yaks. "Really special."

He offered no assessment of the fermented mare's milk.

With this unlikely stop, Bush showed he would go almost anywhere to enlist or retain partners in his shrinking coalition of the willing. The president received a warm welcome here, days after the South Korean government embarrassed him during his visit by announcing the withdrawal of one-third of its forces from Iraq.

"The Mongolian armed forces are serving the cause of freedom and the United States forces are proud to serve beside such fearless warriors," Bush said in a speech at the government headquarters in Ulan Bator, the Mongolian capital. He cited the country's embrace of democracy 15 years ago, when its communist government was overthrown. "Now because of the courage of Mongolian and coalition forces, the people of Iraq know this feeling as well."

While Mongolia's troop deployment in Iraq is small, White House officials were quick to point out that in terms of its deployment as a share of its population, the country ranks just behind Britain and Denmark. Bush praised two Mongolian soldiers who shot a would-be suicide bomber trying to ram a truck full of explosives into a military mess tent in Iraq.

After his four-nation trip, Bush returned to Washington on Monday night.

Mongolia, sandwiched between Russia and China, is remote, with arid steppes surrounded by mountains and the Gobi Desert, far from the byways of global politics. It is slightly smaller in area than Alaska, but with a population of 2.8 million, it is the least densely populated nation in the world. Many Mongolians are farmers and semi-nomadic herders.

Genghis Khan, Mongolia's most famous leader, swept through Eurasia about 800 years ago to build an empire that spanned from China to Europe. In the last four centuries, however, the country shifted from one colonial master to another, first China and then in 1921 the Soviet Union.

Since the collapse of communism here in 1990, Mongolia has been building a democratic, free-market system, though plagued by corruption, and has been eager to enhance its relationship with the United States.

Previously, the highest-ranking U.S. visitor was President Franklin D. Roosevelt's vice president, Henry A. Wallace, whose stopover in 1944 is still given great significance here. Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright passed through in 1998 and was careful to politely put the airag , or fermented mare's milk, to her lips without actually drinking, then to say how delicious it was. No word on whether Bush actually swallowed or not, but some of his aides evidently did, judging by the looks on their faces afterward.

As he toured felt tents known as gers , the president was greeted by sword-carrying Mongol warriors clad in armor and helmets, hoisting colorful battle flags and mounted on the short, stout horses unique to Mongolia. Dancers wearing huge masks -- one resembling a deer, another a skull, another a demon-like creature -- performed traditional numbers.

With the temperature in the teens, the president entered one tent, warmed by wood-burning stoves, to check out nomadic life. He also was treated to Mongolian throat singing, in which the performers produce more than one note at a time.

Bush later examined a pair of furry, two-hump camels and admired a display of enormous white yaks with their formidable horns before he popped back into his armored limousine.

A few minutes later, Air Force One launched itself toward the horizon as the sun set on Mongolia's day.

© 2005 The Washington Post Company

Bush's Asia Trip Meets Low Expectations

Bush's Asia Trip Meets Low ExpectationsBush's Asia Trip Meets Low Expectations

By Peter Baker and Philip P. Pan
Washington Post Staff Writers
Monday, November 21, 2005; A01

BEIJING, Nov. 20 -- When President Bush was flying toward Asia a week ago, his national security adviser, Stephen J. Hadley, predicted to reporters in the back of the plane that the four-nation trip would yield no "headline breakthroughs." He turned out to be right.

As Bush wrapped up his stay in Beijing on Sunday and prepared to head home Monday after a brief stop in Mongolia, the trip has produced no real breakthroughs of any sort. On a wide variety of issues, from trade to security to human rights, Bush won no concrete agreements from any of his summit partners.

White House officials said that did not mean the trip was unsuccessful, because they never expected to bring home any major agreements in the first place. Such trips, they said, reflect a more mature diplomacy aimed at building relationships and achieving steady progress that will produce gains at some later date. Yet at the same time, it means that a politically weakened Bush returns home without anything high-profile to brag about when he could use some good news.

"I know that it's not like a deliverable or big breakthrough, but when breakthroughs are made you'll be able to point back" at the trip as paving the way, White House counselor Dan Bartlett said. "Some of these things aren't things that happen with the snap of a finger. What these summits do provide is an opportunity to move forward."

Bush wanted Japan to drop its two-year ban on U.S. beef imports, but although Japan seems likely to do so soon, it did not declare its readiness while the president was in town. Bush wanted to propel free trade during an economic summit in South Korea, but the general statement drafted by Pacific Rim leaders drops no tariffs and merely sets the stage for further talks.

In another setback, South Korea's cabinet on Monday backed a proposal to withdraw one-third of the country's 3,200 troops from Iraq.

In China, Bush's meetings with President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao produced little progress toward resolving long-standing differences. Hu pledged "to gradually achieve balanced trade between China and the United States" and to "unswervingly press ahead" with plans to allow the Chinese currency to float more freely. But he offered no plan for how he would achieve either goal.

Hu also vowed "to step up" efforts to combat Chinese piracy of American movies and software. Wen insisted at length that Beijing was already waging a vigorous campaign to enforce intellectual property rights. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said there was "very important movement" that indicated the Chinese were "taking the issue . . . seriously."

But neither Rice nor other U.S. officials could point to any specific evidence of that. The Bush administration recently gave Beijing a list of 25 factories manufacturing pirated DVDs in China, and there has been no word on whether the Chinese have shut down any of them.

On human rights, Bush's team handed Hu's aides a list of political prisoners when the two met in New York two months ago and had expressed hope that at least some of them would be released by the time the president arrived here, as has been customary in the past. Instead, in the weeks before the visit, Chinese authorities sentenced an underground Christian pastor to three years in prison for illegally printing Bibles and closed down the firm of a prominent human rights lawyer.

Chinese police detained a group of 30 people who tried to see Bush to complain about the lack of political freedoms here, according to a member of the group who called the Associated Press after police stopped them outside the church where the president worshiped Sunday morning.

Rice said U.S. officials complained "quite vociferously" about the crackdown and acknowledged that the Chinese had not acted on the U.S. list. "We've certainly not seen the progress that we would expect, and I think we'll have to keep working on it," she said.

Still, Bush did not directly raise the list with Hu, according to U.S. and Chinese officials, and his words on human rights were muted. "Honestly, human rights issues made up a tiny, tiny, tiny part of the meeting between the leaders of the two countries," said Kong Quan, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman.

The government did keep a promise to allow news coverage of Bush bicycling with Chinese Olympic athletes. But state television refrained from reporting even the mild comments Bush made encouraging China "to continue making the historic transition to greater freedom" during a session with Hu, much less his appearance at a church urging greater religious freedom.

Instead, the national evening news led with extended footage of a welcome ceremony during which Bush walked past a Chinese military guard and an account of his meetings with Hu and Wen that focused on Bush's desire for good relations with China and his support for maintaining the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. The only time viewers heard Bush's voice was during a segment on his visit with the Olympic athletes as he joked with them to "take it easy" on him.

Bush's words received far less coverage on state television than during his last trip here in February 2002, when the government allowed live broadcasts of a speech to university students and a 37-minute news conference with then-President Jiang Zemin. This time, reporters were not even allowed to ask questions during Bush's appearance with Hu. Bush later met with reporters alone to take questions.

The meeting was Bush's fifth with Hu and the first in Beijing since the Chinese leader was named to head the ruling Communist Party in late 2002. Aides said the relationship was developing. The meeting was "more comfortable" with "less set-piece reading of points," according to an administration official.

The Bush team is investing in Hu as the best option within the Chinese establishment even though he has presided over a crackdown on the media, religion, academia and other elements of civil society. "He's no Thomas Jefferson," the official acknowledged, "but there are a lot of people in the political world who are more reactionary."

Bush was particularly struck by Hu's description in New York of the challenges entailed in managing a nation of 1.3 billion, including mass unemployment, rising social unrest and a widening income gap, officials said. Hu's vision of "peaceful development" raising the prosperity of his people impressed Bush, they added.

The conversation will continue early next year when Hu comes to Washington for a trip making up for one canceled in September because of Hurricane Katrina. And for Bush, aides insisted, that was the real achievement of this trip.

"China is a big, growing, strong country," the president said. "And it's very important for me to maintain a good working relationship with the leadership here."

Correspondent Anthony Faiola in Tokyo contributed to this report.

© 2005 The Washington Post Company

Bush Attends Beijing Church, Promoting Religious Freedom

Bush Attends Beijing Church, Promoting Religious FreedomBush Attends Beijing Church, Promoting Religious Freedom
Bulk of His China Trip Focuses on Trade and Security Issues

By Peter Baker and Philip P. Pan
Washington Post Staff Writers
Sunday, November 20, 2005; A18

BEIJING, Nov. 20 -- President Bush challenged China's repression of religion Sunday as he opened a diplomatically sensitive visit here, but he kept most of his focus on an economic and security agenda that included a multibillion-dollar sale of U.S.-built airplanes.

In his first public appearance, even before the welcoming ceremony at the Great Hall of the People, Bush attended a service at a state-sanctioned Protestant church to send a message about free expression of faith in a country that harshly smothers it. The president has been offended by the recent harassment of religious people trying to practice their faith without state approval at underground churches, aides said.

"My hope is that the government of China will not fear Christians who gather to worship openly," the president told reporters outside Gangwashi Church, a modest brick building and one of a handful of official Protestant churches in Beijing. "A healthy society is a society that welcomes all faiths."

Bush later made a similar appeal during a joint appearance with Chinese President Hu Jintao at the Great Hall. "It's important that social, political and religious freedoms grow in China and we encourage China to continue making their historic transition to greater freedom," the president said. Hu insisted that China has steadily expanded freedom. "Notable and historic progress has been made in China's development of a democratic political system and human rights," he told Bush.

In making his appeal for greater religious freedom, Bush was careful to avoid provocative language and planned to spend the rest of his visit talking about trade and nuclear nonproliferation issues. As the president flew to Beijing on Saturday night, a top White House official aboard Air Force One disclosed that China planned to sign a deal Sunday to purchase 70 jetliners from Boeing Corp., a sale he called vindication of the administration's nuanced approach to relations with China.

To establish the friendly tone of the visit here, the third of Bush's presidency, the White House arranged for Bush to go mountain biking Sunday with China's Olympic athletes, an event that aides said they assumed would be widely shown on state television and become the defining image of the trip. The idea, they said, was to signal directly to the Chinese people that no matter what they hear from their government, Bush is not hostile toward their country.

The multifaceted strategy for the trip reflected Bush's sometimes competing priorities in dealing with the emerging economic and political power. While he used a speech in Japan at the beginning of his week-long Asia trip to politely prod China to embrace more freedom and democracy, highlighting Taiwan as a model, he played down such talk upon arriving here, never mentioning those themes in his weekly U.S. radio address Saturday.

Michael J. Green, the president's top National Security Council adviser on Asia, said the "top of the list" of priorities for Bush in his meetings with Hu was to coordinate pressure on North Korea to give up its nuclear weapons. Bush and Hu also discussed the trade deficit, widespread Chinese piracy of American movies and software and what the administration considers an undervalued Chinese currency that keeps Chinese exports artificially cheap, with Hu promising unspecified action on all three fronts.

As the U.S. trade deficit with China continues to rise dramatically, approaching $200 billion this year, the Boeing 737 deal, worth between $3 billion and $4 billion, could give Bush some political relief. "It's a very important thing, and I think it's a testament to how our approach to China is yielding real results," said Green, who confirmed the pending sale.

But the juggling act underlying the approach to China has drawn criticism. "We are concerned that the human rights situation has fallen on the list of priorities in the U.S.-China bilateral relationship in recent years," Human Rights Watch told Bush in an open letter last week. "The human rights situation in China continues to be dire and, in many respects, has worsened in recent months, with crackdowns on dissidents, human rights activists, lawyers, and journalists."

Bush aides have said privately that they have seen backsliding by China on human rights in the last six months. During a meeting at the United Nations in September, Bush gave Hu a list of political prisoners he was concerned about, including a researcher for the New York Times. Aides had expressed hope that some of the detainees would be freed before Bush arrived Sunday, but none was.

On the contrary, administration officials said, they were disturbed that in the days before Bush's arrival, Beijing would sentence an underground Protestant pastor to three years in prison for distributing illegal Bibles and shut down the law firm of an attorney associated with the banned Falun Gong sect. "The president's not going to be afraid to raise these issues," White House counselor Dan Bartlett said. "I don't think they like it."

Bush was not the first American president to attend church services here -- his father, George H.W. Bush, went in 1989 and Bill Clinton went in 1998 -- but he made a more overt statement on behalf of religious liberty. More than twice as many Chinese Christians worship in underground churches as state-approved churches. White House aides decided Bush had to use one permitted by the government to avoid causing anyone trouble.

Since rising to power in late 2002, Hu has presided over a crackdown on the media, religion and other elements of civil society, as well as a host of arrests. The party has also sought to shut down citizen groups devoted to rule of law, the environment and other causes in a campaign to prevent what officials call a "color revolution," referring to democratic upheavals in former Soviet states they argue were brought about by U.S.-funded groups.

China's security services routinely step up surveillance and harassment of political dissidents, religious figures and others deemed a threat to social stability during visits by foreign dignitaries, and Bush's trip was no exception. Among those ordered out of the capital in recent days was Zhang Xingshui, the lead attorney representing Cai Zhuohua, a pastor imprisoned for printing and distributing banned Bibles.

Bob Fu, president of the China Aid Association, a Christian rights organization based in Midland, Tex., also reported the detention of the evangelist Zhang Mingxuan in Beijing Friday. And another rights group reported the detention of an underground Catholic priest and four seminarians last weekend in Hebei province. The U.S.-based Cardinal Kung Foundation said a well-known underground Hebei bishop, Julius Jia Zhiguo, was also detained.

The Chinese government is determined not to let such incidents shadow Bush's visit, which it interprets as a welcome sign of its expanding power. Avoiding disputes with the United States has become a cornerstone of Chinese foreign policy as Hu's government concentrates on economic development.

Chinese commentators see Bush's visit as an indication that he no longer views China as an adversary and accepts Beijing's growing influence in Asia. The government's main organ, the China News Agency, said: "The new age of Sino-U.S. interaction has arrived."

Correspondent Edward Cody contributed to this report.

© 2005 The Washington Post Company

The China Opening Of 2005: Don't Ask

The China Opening Of 2005: Don't AskThe China Opening Of 2005: Don't Ask
For Bush in Beijing, It's Hard to Get Out

By Peter Baker
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, November 21, 2005; C01

BEIJING, Nov. 20 -- After all the pomp and circumstance, after all the mind-numbing statements in all the mind-numbing meetings, President Bush finally seemed happy.

He slipped into athletic shorts, plonked a helmet on his head and jumped onto his mountain bicycle ready to race off with the Chinese Olympic bicycling team.

"How do you say, 'Take it easy on the old man'?" he asked jovially.

Not to worry. They did.

For an hour Sunday afternoon, the commander in chief took a break from the worries of the world and pushed himself against a half-dozen twenty-something athletes for a bracing ride around a Beijing training facility. At an appearance with Chinese President Hu Jintao just a few hours earlier, he had seemed flat and listless, his voice drained of energy, but zipping over the rugged trails put some air back in his tires.

"Remind you of Crawford?" Jennifer Loven of the Associated Press shouted at him as he raced around a bend.

"Better than Crawford!" he replied.

For the president, it was a rare moment of fun on an otherwise dreary overseas trip. In five years in the presidency, Bush has proved a decidedly unadventurous traveler, an impression undispelled by the weeklong journey through Asia that wraps up Monday. As he barnstormed through Japan, South Korea and China, with a final stop in Mongolia still to come, Bush visited no museums, tried no restaurants, bought no souvenirs and made no effort to meet ordinary local people.

"I live in a bubble," Bush once said, explaining his anti-tourist tendencies by citing the enormous security and logistical considerations involved in arranging any sightseeing. "That's just life."

The Bush spirit trickles down to many of his top advisers, who hardly go out of their way to sample the local offerings either. A number of the most senior White House officials on the trip, perhaps seeking the comforts of their Texas homes, chose to skip the kimchi in South Korea to go to dinner at Outback Steakhouse -- twice. (Admittedly, a few unadventurous journalists joined them.)

First lady Laura Bush usually has more interest in looking around. In Pusan, a bustling port city perched on the sea against the backdrop of woodsy foothills in southeastern South Korea, she went to the Metropolitan Simin Municipal Library to read to orphans and the Pusan Metropolitan Museum to check out an exhibition of traditional costumes and palatial silk flowers. Here in Beijing, she explored the Ming Tombs, the underground chambers where 13 emperors are buried.

She has had little luck enticing her husband into joining her over the years. The first time the Bushes traveled to China together in their current capacity, she had to tell him to slow down as he tried to race through a tour of the Great Wall. She once persuaded him to go to the Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg, only to see him burn through the place in 30 minutes. He dispensed with the Kremlin cathedrals in Moscow in seven minutes. He flatly declined an Australian invitation to attend the Rugby World Cup while down under.

Bush's lack of adventure on this trip seemed all the more apparent given what else he had to do. Particularly in Pusan, where the 21 presidents and prime ministers of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum were meeting, Bush's schedule was heavy with official acronym-driven events that could put even the wonkiest to sleep.

Over two days at APEC, Bush and the others talked about the DDA negotiations and the Bogor Goals in advance of the WTO meeting. He discussed the one-China policy and the three communiques, not to mention the second session of the fifth round of the six-party talks on North Korea. Bush met with the ASEAN folks and the ABAC folks on the sidelines of the meetings at the BEXCO facility. No word, though, on whether he read the CTI report on the TILF activities, which discussed "the revised/enhanced CAPs."

The president's only concessions to sightseeing were visits to ancient temples in Japan and South Korea with the leaders of those nations. At the Kinkakuji Temple in Kyoto, Japan, originally constructed in 1397 as a shogun's residence, Bush wandered past the sacred Buddha relics amid an exquisite garden and pond.

As Bush was led into the temple, he removed his shoes per custom.

"I wonder if my socks have any holes," he fretted.

Laura Bush told him not to worry.

Afterward the president rendered a spare, one-word verdict. "Beautiful," he declared.

At the Bulguksa Temple in Gyeongju, South Korea, first built in 751 and rebuilt after invaders destroyed it, the Bushes examined the wooden buildings and stone pagodas as a gong sounded solemnly and female drummers pounded on drums suspended on racks. The Bushes joined with their South Korean counterparts to ring a large green metal bell. Each couple took one side of the four-foot-long wooden pole suspended by chains, pulled it back and let it go to slam into the bell. The foursome let out seven gongs.

Bush also gamely put on a pastel blue Korean turumagi coat with the flowing sleeves and the bow on the front, just as the 20 other leaders did for the final APEC photograph. It's a tradition for the host country to provide matching native wear for all the heads of state and governments. Bush usually grins and bears it, just as his friend Russian President Vladimir Putin does. Afterward, White House counselor Dan Bartlett noted, "It's a race usually between he and President Putin to get it off."

The other race, the one between him and the Chinese athletes, went predictably enough. The athletes, three men and three women, dutifully let him win. Bush was hardly fooled. "It is clear that I couldn't make the Chinese Olympic cycling team," he noted later.

Seeming reinvigorated after changing back into his suit, Bush decided to take questions from the pool of reporters following him. After some back and forth about Iraq and China, Ken Herman of Cox News Service asked why in the earlier session with Hu the president had "seemed a little off your game."

"Have you ever heard of jet lag?" Bush asked.

"Yes, sir."

"Well, good. That answers your question."

Herman had another. But Bush had had enough and headed for the exit.

Except that the double doors he picked to leave through were locked.

Sheepishly, Bush turned back to the press. "I was trying to escape," he said. "It didn't work."

© 2005 The Washington Post Company

Tuesday, November 22, 2005

A Cold War China Policy - New York Times

A Cold War China Policy - New York Times

November 19, 2005
Editorial
A Cold War China Policy
President Bush probably won't mention the word "containment" when he visits China this weekend. But his hosts can surely be excused for wondering whether his administration is now trying to revive that cold war anti-Soviet strategy and apply it to the very different circumstances of today's complex relationship between Washington and Beijing.

China's headlong economic advance presents real challenges to American policy makers, like potentially destabilizing trade and currency imbalances and a growing competition for scarce global energy supplies. But China poses no obvious military threat to the United States at this time. In the one area of potential future conflict, Taiwan, tensions have notably eased in recent months.

Yet for the past few months, the Bush administration has been going out of its way to build up its military ties with countries surrounding China. India and Japan are the two most troubling examples. Washington has pressed ahead with an ill-advised initiative to share civilian nuclear technology with India, despite that country's refusal to abide by the restrictions of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. And it has actively encouraged an already worrisomely nationalist Japanese government to shed postwar restraints on its military and embrace more ambitious regional security goals. Washington has also taken steps to strengthen military cooperation with Vietnam and Indonesia. Mr. Bush's stopover in Mongolia on Monday will likewise be aimed at cementing a new security partnership.

The risk is that this neo-containment policy could become a self-fulfilling prophecy, leading China to start throwing its own military and economic weight around to break out of the containment trap.

Asia's great challenge at the start of the 21st century is to find ways to adjust to an economically stronger China without falling into the destructive military rivalries of the past. That, not a new version of containment, should be the central concern right now for the United States, and for Japan and India as well.

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China Wages Classroom Struggle to Win Friends in Africa - New York Times

China Wages Classroom Struggle to Win Friends in Africa - New York Times
November 20, 2005
China Wages Classroom Struggle to Win Friends in Africa
By HOWARD W. FRENCH
BEIJING - As the teacher, a career Chinese diplomat, spoke, his class of African diplomats scribbled furiously.

At the United Nations, China opposed the United States invasion of Iraq and has defended the right of Iran and other developing countries to use civilian nuclear power, said the teacher, Yuan Shibin. China, he noted pointedly, swept aside American objections to making an African the secretary general.

There was nothing subtle about his message, which will be repeatedly hammered home to the African diplomats during their three month, all-expenses paid stay at the Foreign Affairs University here. "China will always protect its own interests as well as those of other developing countries," Mr. Yuan said. By contrast, "U.S. national interests are not often in conformity with those of other nations, including China."

The classes are one element in a campaign by Beijing to win friends around the world and pry developing nations out of the United States' sphere of influence. Africa, with its immense oil and mineral wealth and numerous United Nations votes, lies at the heart of that effort.

Since 2000, Chinese trade with Africa has more than tripled, reaching nearly $30 billion in 2004. Beijing has signed at least 40 oil agreements with various African countries. Medical teams from China are training counterparts in numerous African countries and providing free equipment and drugs to help fight AIDS, malaria and other scourges.

"China is making a determined effort to make sure that its interests are represented," said Drew Thompson, a China scholar at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. "They are making sure they have a seat at the table, and that their relationships are comprehensive and not just economic. It isn't competitive in the way the cold war was. It's more a case of seeing to it that their message is on one of the many cable channels out there."

China's efforts to cultivate African ties date to the earliest days of the independence era on the continent, when Beijing armed and trained liberation movements and sent its workers by the thousands to build roads, railways and stadiums. Today, Chinese bankers and oil executives are as common a sight as Westerners in African capitals.

Meanwhile, several Chinese ministries, including Science and Technology, Agriculture, Commerce and Education, are working with African governments to train officials and develop human resources.

While the aid seems aimed at winning African hearts, the classes in diplomacy, constantly refined over the past decade, seem aimed more at swaying African minds. In addition, to impart a sympathetic view of China, they put forth a distinctly Chinese view of the world on questions about everything from economic development and history to democracy.

"Soft power is said to be coercive, persuading people to do what you'd like them to do, as opposed to hard power, which means forcing them to do what you want to do," said Qin Yaqing, vice president of the Foreign Affairs University, a state-run school that trains China's own diplomats and works with foreign trainees. "In traditional Chinese philosophy we have something similar to this, and it is called moral attraction."

China's appeal to Africa and much of the third world centers on the idea that nations will be drawn to an emerging superpower that does not lecture them about democracy and human rights or interfere in what Beijing considers "internal affairs."

The other pole of attraction is, of course, China's remarkable quarter century of economic growth, which has lifted it from the ranks of the poorest to make it one of the largest and most powerful economies.

For developing countries, many of which have grown disenchanted with the so-called Washington consensus, a mixture of lowered trade barriers, privatization, democracy and free markets, there is intense interest in trying to learn from China. There is talk of a rival "Beijing Consensus," which emphasizes innovation and growth through a social-market economy, while placing less emphasis on free markets and democracy.

Officially, China denies that it is promoting a competing program. "Yes, a lot of African countries have been coming to China," said Liu Jianchao, deputy spokesman of the Foreign Ministry. "But although people may call it a Beijing Consensus, we are not trying to pose as a model for other countries."

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America and China: Partners, if Not Friends - New York Times

America and China: Partners, if Not Friends - New York Times
November 20, 2005
Power Couple
America and China: Partners, if Not Friends
By JIM YARDLEY
BEIJING

SOMETIMES, past really is prologue.

Today's meeting here between President Bush and the Chinese leader Hu Jintao seems shadowed by a visit, made early in 1979, by Deng Xiaoping, who was barnstorming America to celebrate the historic agreement normalizing relations between the two countries.

At a stop in suburban Atlanta, Deng toured a Ford factory that made more cars in a single month than China produced in a year.

Aware of his country's economic inferiority, Deng, then emerging as China's paramount leader, said he hoped to transform China into an industrial power by the distant year of 2000. "We in China are faced with the task of transforming our backwardness and catching up promptly with the advanced countries of the world," he said. "We want to learn from you."

Twenty-six years later, this policy of economic engagement between China and the developed world remains largely unchanged. China still wants trade, technology, expertise and investment to help create a modern and prosperous society. But China's roaring economic success has altered the equation. Now, Mr. Hu must add a disclaimer to Deng's pitch: We're really not trying to take over the world.

"Facts have proved that China's development will not stand in the way of anyone, nor will it pose any threat to anyone," Mr. Hu said Thursday in South Korea. "Instead, it will only do good to peace, stability and prosperity in the world."

Perhaps, but the meeting of Mr. Bush and Mr. Hu comes as friction over issues like America's record trade deficit with China is rising.

From China's vantage point, the pressures that propelled Deng are undiminished, but the nation's increasing wealth has made it harder for Chinese leaders to claim the latitude given to developing countries in areas like environmental and worker protections and civil liberties.

In fact, China is effectively two economies. It is a manufacturing goliath, a major engine for worldwide economic growth that has doubled its foreign trade in just three years. But roughly 500 million of China's 1.3 billion people still live on less than $2 a day and the overall population is aging rapidly, in a country where the social safety net is almost nonexistent.

Chinese leaders have made 2020 the target year for achieving their goal of a "well-off society," and they realize that economic ties with America are critical to getting there.

China "must maintain a close relationship with the United States if its modernization efforts are to succeed," wrote Wang Jisi, a leading Chinese expert on Sino-American relations, in the September/October issue of Foreign Affairs. "Indeed, a cooperative partnership with Washington is of primary importance to Beijing."

Mr. Wang said he believed that the post-9/11 cooperation between the two countries in fighting terrorism has created a basic stability in the relationship. And he said their economic interdependence means that if one suffers, so, most likely, will the other. But he also described the relationship as "beset by more profound differences than any other bilateral relationship between major powers in the world today."

Among other problems, he said, China's rising prosperity had made it inevitable that it would strengthen its military. This has alarmed leaders in America, among them Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, who recently made a speech questioning double-digit percentage increases in Chinese military spending. The concern of some Asia experts is that the arms buildup in the region is escalating tensions with Japan, and increasing the chance of conflict over Taiwan.

China has responded with repeated reassurances, from Mr. Hu and others, of a "peaceful rise." In a recent speech, Zheng Bijian, an architect of the "peaceful rise" formulation, called 1979 China's watershed year. In that year, Mr. Zheng said, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, "under the banner of 'world revolution' that was a dead end." China under Deng, he added, chose to open up to the outside world. (Mr. Zheng did not mention that in 1979 China also engaged in a brief border war with Vietnam.)

The development challenges in China remain so enormous, Mr. Zheng said, that "we have no time, no energy and no need, therefore, to threaten any other people and nation."

Development is still the centerpiece of China's foreign policy. Like Deng, Mr. Hu has made economic development tours in recent years. He has visited Africa, Europe and South America, proposing military exchanges, lucrative trade deals and promising that trade with China will be a win-win proposition. Topping his wish list are the energy resources, like oil and natural gas, needed to fuel China's growth.

But Mr. Hu's audience is growing more skeptical, in the face of the environmental damage being caused by Chinese companies around the world, which are also helping to finance conflicts in countries like Sudan and Zimbabwe.

"If you look more carefully, here is what you see: a rising power exploiting other countries' natural resources, spoiling the global environment, making economic deals but looking away from serious government mistreatment of its citizens and not delivering on promises," Elizabeth Economy, director of Asia studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, wrote recently in The International Herald Tribune.

Economic and military power are not the only issues in the Sino-American relationship. The Bush administration wants Mr. Hu to embrace political reform. In a speech in Japan on Wednesday, Mr. Bush warned that Chinese citizens would one day demand political freedom. But Chinese leaders are far more concerned with social stability in their rapidly changing country than they are with individual rights.

For now, the relationship still revolves around managing the consequences of China's growth, which can be seen everywhere in America. For example, the car plant Deng visited in 1979 is still open, but Ford is reducing the size of its North American workforce, even as it expands in China. China manufactured 13,000 cars in 1979; last year, the number exceeded five million.

The belief that America is losing jobs unfairly to China is one reason Congress is expected to begin debating an anti-China trade tariff next year. Then again, Deng ended his tour with a visit to Boeing, in suburban Seattle. Today, the aviation company has billions of dollars of China contracts. And many of the cheap consumer goods Americans want are made in China.

Experts run the gamut in predicting the course of relations between China and the United States. But one prediction that turned out wrong was made in an article in The New York Times in 1979: namely, that Deng's economic overture to America would have limited impact because China economy was too backward to take off.

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Boeing Announces New Orders Worth $13.7 Billion - New York Times

Boeing Announces New Orders Worth $13.7 Billion - New York Times

November 21, 2005
Boeing Announces New Orders Worth $13.7 Billion
By BLOOMBERG NEWS
Boeing, the world's second-largest aerospace company after Airbus, won orders yesterday worth a total of $13.7 billion for 112 aircraft from Emirates Airlines and China. The deals extend Boeing's gains in new business this year over its larger rival.

Emirates, the Persian Gulf's biggest and fastest-growing airline, bought 42 of Boeing's long-range 777 models worth $9.7 billion, Sheikh Ahmed bin Saeed al-Maktoum, the Emirates chairman, said at the Dubai Air Show in the United Arab Emirates.

Boeing signed an agreement with China for 70 of the smaller 737 models worth $4 billion while President Bush was on a visit to Beijing.

George Liu, a Boeing spokesman, said the company was still in talks with Chinese customers for 80 more 737 aircraft. He did not give further details or identify the airlines.

Boeing and Airbus have recorded a doubling in airline contracts this year as travel increases and high oil costs spur demand for more fuel-efficient planes. As of Nov. 18, Boeing had 659 orders, compared with 494 for Airbus. Airbus, which is based in Toulouse, France, announced orders yesterday from Kuwait worth $2.9 billion at the Dubai show.

"Boeing has really regained momentum," said Dan Solon, an analyst at the London-based consulting company Avmark International. He said it was clear that the 777 long-range models "are starting to do well."

Boeing, based in Chicago, appears certain to beat Airbus on annual orders for the first time in five years. Airbus, which took the lead in deliveries over Boeing in 2003 to become the world's largest maker of commercial aircraft, will maintain that advantage this year with a total of 370 delivers to 290 for Boeing.

With its agreement, Emirates will become the largest Boeing 777 operator in the world. Emirates is also scheduled to be the biggest customer of Airbus's A380, a 555-seat plane that will begin service in 2006. Emirates has ordered 43 of the A380's.

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Chinese Leader Gives Bush a Mixed Message - New York Times

Chinese Leader Gives Bush a Mixed Message - New York Times
November 21, 2005
Chinese Leader Gives Bush a Mixed Message
By DAVID E. SANGER and JOSEPH KAHN
BEIJING, Nov. 20 - In a day of polite but tense encounters, President Hu Jintao of China told President Bush on Sunday that he was willing to move more quickly to ease economic differences with the United States, but he gave no ground on increasing political freedoms.

Although American officials described the leaders as more comfortable with each other on Sunday than in any previous encounter, Mr. Hu made clear, by his words and his government's actions, that he had no intention of giving in to American pressure. Even during Mr. Bush's visit, there were reports of new moves against dissidents and other activists.

American officials said none of the human rights cases on a list President Bush gave to Mr. Hu at their first meeting this year had been resolved by the time Mr. Bush stepped into the Great Hall of the People on Sunday morning. He had met with the Chinese leader in New York in September, when world leaders gathered for the opening of the United Nations General Assembly.

By afternoon, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, meeting with reporters, acknowledged that China appeared to have put dissidents under house arrest or detained them in advance of the trip. She said the issue was being raised "quite vociferously with the Chinese government."

Meeting with reporters in the evening, Mr. Bush said his talks had amounted to a "good, frank discussion," but he seemed unsatisfied. He chose his words about Mr. Hu carefully and repeated that the relationship with China was "complex," though later he added that it is "good, vibrant, strong."

"China is a trading partner, and we expect the trade with China to be fair," he said. "We expect our people to be treated fairly here in this important country."

On economic issues that are of major concern to American businesses - letting market forces set the value of the undervalued Chinese currency and protecting intellectual property from rampant piracy in China - Mr. Bush made marginal progress. He secured a public statement from Mr. Hu that he would "unswervingly press ahead" to ease a $200 billion annual trade surplus that wildly outstrips anything Mr. Bush's father faced with Japan in the late 1980's.

But Mr. Hu set no schedule for further currency moves, which are politically unpopular in China because they would make Chinese goods less competitive abroad. An American participant in the meetings said it was clear that "no Chinese leader was going to act immediately under the pressure" of a request from a foreign leader.

Mr. Bush attended a service early Sunday morning at a state-sanctioned Protestant church near Tiananmen Square, saying afterward, "My hope is that the government of China will not fear Christians who gather to worship openly."

But religious activists in Beijing complained that dozens of Christians who had wanted to worship alongside Mr. Bush had been turned away or detained by Chinese security forces. Christians in Shanghai and several other cities said the police had detained people who belong to underground churches to prevent them from staging demonstrations for greater religious freedom during Mr. Bush's visit.

Dozens of political activists, including Bao Tong, a former senior Communist Party official who has become an outspoken critic of one-party rule, and Hu Jia, who has pressed for greater action to combat AIDS, were forbidden to leave their homes or use their telephones while Mr. Bush was in Beijing, according to people close to Mr. Bao and Mr. Hu who said they could not be identified because of possible retaliation by the Chinese government.

Mr. Bush, as he has through much of his trip to Asia, continued to focus attention on Iraq. Meeting with reporters, he talked at length about the arguments that have consumed Washington in his absence, saying that members of the House or Senate who oppose his approach to Iraq have a right to dissent but also "a responsibility to provide a credible alternative."

"Leaving prematurely will have terrible consequences, for our own security and for the Iraqi people," he said, applauding Congress for voting down last week a resolution supporting immediate withdrawal. "And that's not going to happen so long as I'm president."

If finding a way out of Iraq is an immediate problem for Mr. Bush, dealing with China's increasingly assertive tone on economic and military issues, and with Mr. Hu's quiet resistance to Washington's calls for political liberalization, are challenges that will last far beyond his presidency.

After a day of talks that began with a 90-minute meeting inside the Great Hall of the People, Mr. Bush emerged with little progress to report beyond a $4 billion deal for China to buy 70 Boeing aircraft.

Even that agreement seemed highly preliminary. One person with detailed knowledge of the negotiations said the actual contract, including the price tag for each aircraft, was still being discussed. He declined to be identified because of the commercial sensitivity of the pending contract. That strongly suggested that the deal had been announced ahead of time to provide an upbeat note for the White House during Mr. Bush's visit.

Mr. Bush seemed tense during much of the day. When a reporter asked him about that later, he said, "Have you ever heard of jet lag?"

After ending his brief meeting with reporters, the president turned around and tried to go out a door that was locked. Turning back to reporters, he said, joking: "I was trying to escape. It didn't work."

But if he lagged at times during the day, he seemed renewed after going mountain biking on Sunday afternoon. He had more company than on his usual weekend forays in Washington. He took his Trek bicycle out with the Chinese athletes training for the 2008 Olympics.

"It is clear that I couldn't make the Chinese cycling team," Mr. Bush told reporters tonight, although his hosts did let him take the lead.

American officials had set low expectations for what Mr. Bush might accomplish beyond deepening his relationship with Mr. Hu, a man he had expected would embrace reforms more quickly than his predecessor, Jiang Zemin.

But while administration officials emphasized that they felt that the two men had begun to develop a personal chemistry that made it easier to grapple with trade, currency and geopolitical problems, none of that comity was on public display.

Mr. Hu, who almost never interacts with either the Chinese or the foreign news media, declined what a Bush administration official described as a request to take questions from reporters after their meeting.

The Foreign Ministry spokesman, Kong Quan, attributed Mr. Hu's silence to his visitor's tight schedule, though Mr. Bush managed to hold news conferences with the prime minister of Japan and the president of South Korea last week.

On Sunday, Mr. Hu and Prime Minister Wen Jiabao detailed for Mr. Bush steps they were taking to curb the theft of movies, software and similar goods, emphasizing that they believed that those moves were necessary to develop the Chinese economy.

United States officials have expressed frustration that while Mr. Hu and his predecessors have made similar commitments before, progress has been maddeningly slow.

Had Mr. Bush stepped a few hundred yards away from his meetings in the Great Hall of the People and into the shops off Tiananmen Square - a place he avoided being photographed, American officials said, because of the still raw memories of protesters being shot there in 1989 - he could have paid the equivalent of a few dollars for the DVD's of several current American movies and what appeared to be a working copy of the Microsoft Windows XP operating system.

On the status of Taiwan, Mr. Hu would brook no compromise. "We will by no means tolerate Taiwan independence," he told Mr. Bush, at a moment the administration has been wary of China's missile buildup along the coast opposite Taiwan.

The Chinese also appeared to completely rebuff efforts by the administration to win some concessions on human rights issues. None of the journalists, business leaders or political dissidents who the United States has claimed were unjustly imprisoned or persecuted by Chinese authorities were released.

China often makes at least modest concessions on human rights ahead of a presidential visit. But Mr. Hu, who has led a concerted and sustained crackdown on intellectual and news media freedoms since he took power in 2002, has shown little inclination to make the kinds of gestures that his predecessors did.

Asked if the Chinese were trying to send Washington a message, Ms. Rice said: "I don't think this has anything to do with particular Chinese attitudes of this leadership. I expect that this leadership will understand, as the former leadership did, that these are issues of concern to the president, concern to Americans, and that we'll keep pressing on human rights."

Mr. Bush said that he and Mr. Hu had also discussed strategies for handling the potential outbreak of avian flu and the long-running talks on nuclear disarmament for North Korea.

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Saturday, November 19, 2005

U.S. Trade Deficit Hangs In a Delicate Imbalance

U.S. Trade Deficit Hangs In a Delicate ImbalanceU.S. Trade Deficit Hangs In a Delicate Imbalance
Like Yin and Yang, the Saving in Asia Complements the Spending in America

By Paul Blustein
Washington Post Staff Writer
Saturday, November 19, 2005; A01



AGOURA HILLS, Calif. -- The most breathtaking moment came in the master bedroom.

Bob Miller, a stocky 60-year-old who imports motorcycle helmets, was giving a tour of his Southern California home to Scott Hong, an executive of a South Korean helmet manufacturer. The back yard, which features a swimming pool, Jacuzzi and tennis court, elicited murmurs of awe from Hong. But an even greater marvel materialized at Miller's bed, where at the touch of a button, a video screen descended from the canopy.

"TV!" Miller said. "We have it in case we get bored."

That's the kind of guy Miller is -- unabashedly acquisitive. Hong is his opposite number. One is an American importer, the other an Asian exporter. Together they epitomize an enormous imbalance in the global economy, in which the United States imports, consumes and borrows while Asian nations export, save and lend.

Miller indulges in quickie trips to Las Vegas and boasts a collection of classic cars. His firm, Helmet House, buys helmets in large quantities from Asia for distribution in the United States.

Hong, also 60, is renowned among family and colleagues for frugality -- he drives a three-year-old Volkswagen Passat, for example, despite the millions of dollars he has accumulated through his stake in his family's company, HJC Helmets. That company produces the No. 1-selling motorcycle helmet in the U.S. market, from factories in Korea and China.

Spread across millions of Miller's and Hong's fellow citizens, this behavior adds up. In the United States, imports exceeded exports last year by $617.6 billion, a record gap equal to 5.3 percent of gross domestic product. The U.S. trade deficit has swelled even further in the first nine months of this year compared with the corresponding period in 2004.

South Korea, by contrast, ran a $29.4 billion trade surplus last year, or 4.3 percent of its GDP, and even that paled by comparison with Japan's $132 billion surplus or the $100 billion-plus surplus China is expected to post this year.

For now, the imbalance between the United States and Asia benefits the economies on both sides. Asians get jobs in export firms such as HJC Helmets, and their American customers get high-quality, inexpensive goods including clothing, cars and appliances. The United States also gets cheap capital from Asia because the dollars that Asians earn for their exports often end up invested in the bonds of the U.S. Treasury and mortgage-finance companies such as Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. These purchases of U.S. securities help keep interest rates low, which in turn helps fuel the housing boom and create new U.S. jobs that replace the ones lost to imports.

"We get cheap goods in exchange for pieces of paper, which we can print at a great rate," said Allan H. Meltzer, an economist at Carnegie Mellon University.

However, the mountain of U.S. bonds that foreigners are accumulating means the United States is going deeper into debt to fund its import binge, to the tune of about $3 trillion as of this year.

"Sooner or later, the rest of the world will decide that the United States is no longer a safe bet for lending more money," said William R. Cline, a scholar at the Institute for International Economics and author of a new book titled "The United States as a Debtor Nation."

The traffic in motorcycle helmets between HJC and Helmet House is a tiny slice of transpacific trade, but it illuminates the dangers of such lopsided commerce. The relationship between the two firms began more than two decades ago, when Hong's elder brother, W.K. Hong, HJC's founder and chief executive, assigned him responsibility for exporting to the U.S. market.

Transpacific Ties

Speaking almost no English and carrying samples of about 10 HJC helmets, Scott Hong -- whose Korean name is Hong Soo-ki -- arrived in Los Angeles in 1983.

He went to extraordinary lengths to save money on lodging and food when he traveled from his Los Angeles base to meet motorcycle dealers and riders. Sometimes he did odd jobs, such as painting houses, while on the road. When he took trips to Sacramento, 390 miles from Los Angeles, to get HJC's helmets certified as safe by a major helmet-testing organization, he often avoided hotel expenses by driving round trip in one day, starting at around 3 a.m. and returning late in the evening.

"On freeways, I sometimes got sleepy," he recalled. "So I put my face out the window. Then I would be sleepy again. So I got some jalapeno peppers and put them in a bag. When you chew those in your mouth, you are going to wake yourself up."

Critical guidance came from Miller and his crew at Helmet House, which became HJC's lead distributor, on matters such as the splashy colors and designs that would appeal to American bikers. Miller and a business partner had built a helmet-distribution company from scratch -- they started out peddling helmets at weekend swap meets in Southern California -- and Miller, already a major distributor of Japan's Shoei brand, established contact with HJC after spotting one of its helmets on a motorcyclist during a buying expedition to South Korea.

"I told Scott, if they listen to what we say, we'll be successful," Miller said. "And HJC has had phenomenal growth. They do it faster, better, cheaper."

HJC's U.S. sales began to take off in the latter half of the 1980s because the company's helmets cost less than Japanese ones. They now retail for between $70 and $400, depending on the model.

Hong remembers the first time he saw an American motorcyclist wearing an HJC helmet: "I followed him for about an hour in my car, and he pulled over and asked, 'Why are you chasing me?' I told him, 'Your helmet is my helmet.' I cried on that day, I was so happy."

The Thrifty

Back in South Korea, chief executive W.K. Hong was plowing HJC's profits into manufacturing equipment and research and development, with the aim of producing lighter, more comfortable and more crash-resistant helmets. HJC still spends about 10 percent of its revenue on R&D, employing more than 40 engineers -- which has enabled it to approach Japanese levels of quality.

"All the money I made in the company, I reinvested in the company," said W.K. Hong, who is 65 and an engineer by training.

Aside from an occasional tour of an area he is visiting on business, he said, he has never taken a long vacation. His wife, Kim Hee-ki, said she sometimes accompanies her husband on business trips and once traveled to California to visit a daughter who was living there.

"If I used money for personal things, like going on vacation, I don't believe we'd be number one in the world," Hong said.

Miller, who visited Hong's apartment in Seoul for the first time last year, finds the thriftiness hard to understand: "I'm born and raised in Brooklyn, New York, and the apartment where I grew up was nicer than the one in the elite area where he lived." (Hong moved a few months ago to a more luxurious apartment in a Seoul high-rise, though it is still far from the opulence that American multimillionaires typically enjoy.)

In contrast with the United States, where the personal savings rate recently has sunk into negative territory -- with people spending more than their income -- South Korea's personal savings rate is about 7 percent, and its national savings rate of 33 percent ranks among the highest in the world. The rate reflects the thrift not only of individuals but also of government and business; the South Korean government has run budget surpluses in recent years, so it need not borrow large sums as the U.S. government must.

In interviews with HJC workers, the least thrifty among them reported saving 10 percent of income, and the most thrifty put saving at 60 percent. Typical was the response of Kim Tae-young, an HJC engineer, who said: "My wife just gave birth to twins. I used to save 50 percent, but the cost of the children is very high, so now I'm down to 20 percent."

South Koreans are unaccustomed to the borrow-and-spend lifestyle of Americans. A couple of years ago, a short-lived government campaign aimed at encouraging spending led Korean banks to hand out credit cards to millions of consumers with few questions asked -- resulting in widespread defaults by people who had never used such cards to borrow for their personal expenditures.

The upshot: With its high level of savings, South Korea has a trade surplus. The two go together, just as low savings go with trade deficits. By running those surpluses, South Korea is in effect squirreling away resources for the future -- probably more than it needs to, many economists contend -- at the expense of current consumption.

By posting big deficits, the United States is going to the opposite extreme, behaving like an individual who borrows year after year to cover the gap between spending and income. America's creditors have recently shown a remarkable willingness to cover that gap; in September, foreigners bought a record $101.9 billion in U.S. securities, mostly bonds, according to government data released Wednesday.

But foreigners might get nervous about the rising U.S. debt load and insist on earning much higher interest rates on their U.S. bonds. That could squeeze U.S. living standards, as industries such as housing and autos falter for lack of low-cost credit. Worse, an avalanche of selling by foreign holders of U.S. bonds and stocks -- triggered, perhaps, by a terrorist attack or a surge in inflation -- could spell economic calamity worldwide.

The risks increase the longer the imbalance persists, said Cline of the Institute for International Economics, adding, "Do we want to get ourselves, and for that matter our children, in a situation where we want to have to take an enormous hit because we have been increasingly enjoying excess consumption?"

The Spendthrift

Miller did not always live comfortably. His father, who immigrated from Russia, stitched suits in a New York factory, and his mother worked as a clerk in an insurance company. Now, however, he savors the rewards of heading a company that sells 600,000 helmets a year and pulls in nearly $100 million in revenue.

Strolling through the parking lot outside Helmet House's main facility, Miller pointed to a Mercedes SL500. "That's my weekday car," he said. "My weekend car is a BMW X5. My wife drives a Jaguar. We've got about $200,000 in our garage." And opening the door to a small building, Miller revealed his "passion" -- a 1951 Cadillac convertible, a 1955 Mercedes Gullwing, a 1957 Chevy, a 1971 Mercedes convertible, and a 1979 Ferrari in pristine condition.

He usually leaves the office by 5 p.m., he said, and he does not work at home or on weekends. He, his wife and 17-year-old son have traveled widely, both in the United States and abroad. Miller, a fervent Los Angeles Dodgers fan, holds season tickets to the team's games, and his office wall is plastered with memorabilia from a Dodgers "fantasy camp" he attended. Before his son was born, he recalled, "I could say to my wife, 'Let's go to San Francisco for lunch' -- and we'd go up on an airplane, have lunch, and come back." These days, such jaunts are limited to Las Vegas, where "I go every couple of months, to loosen my belt."

Miller has sunk much of his wealth into shopping centers and other real estate, so he does not have to fret about saving. But the lack of thrift characteristic of Americans is evident among his employees. In interviews, several reported saving well under 10 percent of their incomes, and even putting aside that much is difficult, they said. Few put the maximum allowable amount in the company's 401(k) savings plan, according to Chief Financial Officer Randy Hutchings, and a substantial number do not contribute at all.

"I would venture to say that of my 125 employees, 80 percent live paycheck to paycheck, and maybe even before paycheck to paycheck," Miller said. "There are employees I've had, when they earned $50,000, they owed money; when they earned $100,000, they owed money. It's not what they earn; it's just the way they do things."

Small wonder, given such saving and spending patterns, that the global trade imbalance continues to burgeon.

Miller is doing his part. "I live the American life," he said.

Scott Hong is doing his part, too. Now responsible for HJC's exports to Europe, he visited about 200 dealers in 2004. "This year," he said, "my target is 300."

© 2005 The Washington Post Company

Bush Shifts Focus With Trip to Asia

Bush Shifts Focus With Trip to AsiaBush Shifts Focus With Trip to Asia
President Tries to Show U.S. Commitment to Region

By Peter Baker
Washington Post Staff Writer
Tuesday, November 15, 2005; A18

KYOTO, Japan, Nov. 15 -- President Bush embarked on a week-long trip to Asia on Monday aimed at reasserting the U.S. role in a region where China has moved to expand its influence lately while the Bush administration was focused on the Middle East.

Flying out of Washington just a week after returning from Latin America, the president will again escape, at least temporarily, the domestic political difficulties that have plagued him in Washington. But analysts and diplomats predict he could find the geopolitical challenges of Asia vexing in their own way as he navigates the touchy sensibilities of the region.

The stops in Japan, South Korea, China and Mongolia will center on issues as far afield as trade imbalances and avian flu, officials said, while security matters such as North Korea nuclear arms negotiations and perennial tensions over Taiwan and the legacy of World War II complicate the diplomatic discussions. Stung by news reports focusing on the setbacks of the Latin America trip, White House officials tried to lower expectations this time.

"I don't think there are going to be any headline breakthroughs," national security adviser Stephen J. Hadley told reporters on Air Force One. "This is not a trip where the president has to come with a deliverable initiative." The main goal, he said in a separate briefing last week, is "to show the U.S. commitment to Asia as an area of our interest" and "to indicate clearly that the president knows the United States has an important role to play in both the economic and security challenges in Asia and that he wants to play that role."

To many diplomats and specialists in the region, that message seems long overdue. While Bush has focused on the war in Iraq and the broader struggle against terrorism, foreign policy specialists said, U.S. visibility in Asia has been eclipsed by China's growing economic and political power.

The administration has sought to engage more in the region in recent months, dispatching a series of high-level officials, including Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld. But Asian leaders are frustrated that U.S. officials appear focused so much on terrorism to the exclusion of other important developments.

"There's a lot of push-back from around the region," said Edward J. Lincoln, a former special adviser in the U.S. Embassy in Tokyo and now a scholar at the Council on Foreign Relations. "They are getting really tired of the one note coming out of the Bush administration. They think a lot of other things are going on."

Bush addressed U.S. troops at Elmendorf Air Force Base in Alaska during a refueling stop Monday, repeating almost word for word a speech he gave Friday. He assailed Democrats who have accused him of manipulating intelligence to justify the war in Iraq. "They are playing politics with this issue, and they are sending mixed signals to our troops and the enemy," Bush told the service members. "And that's irresponsible."

But Democrats turned their attention to the president's Asia policy, blaming him for not addressing the rise of China, which has alarmed some in Washington. "The current ad hoc, inconsistent and essentially aimless approach of U.S. policy toward China has exacerbated these fears," Senate Minority Leader Harry M. Reid (D-Nev.) wrote Bush in a letter Monday.

After the president arrives here, the picturesque ancient imperial capital of Japan, on Tuesday, he is to spend a day meeting with Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and visiting the Kinkakuji Temple of the Golden Pavilion, a gold-leafed pagoda and the nation's most visited temple.

Officials expect Bush and Koizumi to discuss how to keep up the pressure on North Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons program as well as bilateral issues such as persuading Tokyo to lift a ban on U.S. beef imposed after a mad cow scare. Another topic that could come up is the recent friction between Japan and China, exacerbated by Koizumi's visits to a shrine honoring soldiers, including war criminals, from World War II, when Japan occupied China.

Aides said Bush plans to deliver the main speech of his trip in Japan, focusing on his aspirations for Asia and the need to expand freedom and democracy in the region. From here, Bush is to head to Pusan, South Korea, for the annual summit of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum, or APEC, where he hopes to promote further trade liberalization and intensified efforts to combat a possible avian flu pandemic.

While in Pusan, Bush also is to attend separate meetings with South Korean President Roh Moo Hyun, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

Bush then is to fly to Beijing for the third China trip of his presidency, as he tries to balance his interest in economic and security matters with his second-inauguration commitment to "ending tyranny" in "every nation." U.S. officials expect a Chinese concession on political prisoners before Bush's arrival, which they hope will ease the discussions. Bush plans to attend church in Beijing to symbolize support for religious freedom, although it will be a state-sanctioned church.

In meeting with Chinese President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, officials said, Bush will press them to further ease control over the Chinese currency and crack down against DVD and software pirates. With the annual trade gap approaching $200 billion, he will also seek Chinese assurances of fair trade, the officials said.

The Chinese will want to discuss Taiwan, a subject U.S. officials hope to dispense with by sticking to the boilerplate policy language and nothing more. "They'll bring it up, we'll listen, we'll say what we have to say and that'll be it," said Adam Segal, a regional specialist at the Council on Foreign Relations.

Bush's final stop in the area will be the remote, mountainous nation of Mongolia, where no other U.S. president has visited. Aides said Bush chose to stop there because Mongolia has sent 160 troops to serve alongside U.S. forces in Iraq, the third-highest contribution by an ally when measured as a proportion of the population. Rumsfeld recently visited to say thanks, and the Mongolians gave him a horse in return.

The president is to return to Washington on Monday.

© 2005 The Washington Post Company

Text of Bush's Remarks in Kyoto, Japan

Text of Bush's Remarks in Kyoto, JapanText of Bush's Remarks in Kyoto, Japan

By The Associated Press
The Associated Press
Tuesday, November 15, 2005; 7:03 PM
-- Text of President Bush's remarks in Kyoto, Japan, on Wednesday, as released by the White House:

Laura and I are honored to be back in Japan and we appreciate the warm welcome that we have received in Kyoto. Kyoto served as the capital of Japan for more than a thousand years and it is still the cultural heart of this great nation. It is a proud city where ancient teahouses and temples keep this country's traditions alive and scientists from its universities win Nobel Prizes. Kyoto is a symbol of Japan's transformation into a nation that values its freedom and respects its traditions.

I have experienced this transformation of your country in a highly personal way. During World War II, my father and a Japanese official named Koizumi were on opposite sides. Today, their sons serve as the elected leaders of two free nations. Prime Minister Koizumi is one of my best friends in the international community. We have met many times during my presidency. I know the Prime Minister well. I trust his judgment. I admire his leadership. And America is proud to have him as an ally in the cause of peace and freedom.

The relationship between our countries is much bigger than the friendship between a president and a prime minister. It is an equal partnership based on common values, common interests and a common commitment to freedom. Freedom has made our two democracies close allies. Freedom is the basis of our growing ties to other nations in the region. And in the 21st century, freedom is the destiny of every man, woman and child from New Zealand to the Korean peninsula.

Freedom is the bedrock of our friendship with Japan. At the beginning of World War II, this side of the Pacific had only two democracies: Australia and New Zealand. And at the end of World War II, some did not believe that democracy would work in your country. Fortunately, American leaders like President Truman did not listen to the skeptics and the Japanese people proved the skeptics wrong by embracing elections and democracy.

As you embraced democracy, you adapted it to your own needs and circumstances. So Japanese democracy is different from American democracy. You have a prime minister, not a president. Your constitution allows for a monarchy that is a source of national pride. Japan is a good example of how a free society can reflect a country's unique culture and history while guaranteeing the universal freedoms that are the foundation of all genuine democracies.

By founding the new Japan on these universal principles of freedom, you have changed the face of Asia. With every step toward freedom, your economy flourished and became a model for others. With every step toward freedom, you showed that democracy helps governments become more accountable to their citizens. And with every step toward freedom, you became a force for peace and stability in this region ... a valued member of the world community and a trusted ally of the United States.

A free Japan has transformed the lives of its citizens. The spread of freedom in Asia started in Japan more than a half-century ago and today the Japanese people are among the freest in the world. You have a proud democracy. You enjoy a standard of living that is one of the highest in the world. By embracing political and economic liberty, you have improved the lives of all your citizens and you have shown others that freedom is the surest path to prosperity and stability.

A free Japan has helped transform the lives of others in the region. The investment you have provided your neighbors helped jump-start many of Asia's economies. The aid that you send helps build critical infrastructure and delivers relief to victims of earthquakes, typhoons and tsunamis. And the alliance that you have made with the United States is the pillar of stability and security for the region and a source of confidence in Asia's future.

A free Japan is helping to transform the world. Japan and the United States send more aid overseas than any other two countries in the world. Today in Afghanistan, Japanese aid is building a highway that President Karzai says is essential for the economic recovery of his newly democratic nation. In Iraq, Japan has pledged nearly 5 billion dollars for reconstruction and you have sent your Self Defense Forces to serve the cause of freedom in Iraq's al-Muthanna province. At the start of this young century, Japan is using its freedom to advance the cause of peace and prosperity around the world and the world is a better place for your leadership.

Japan has also shown that once people get a taste of freedom, they want more because the desire for freedom is written in the hearts of every man and woman on this earth. With each new generation that grows up in freedom, the expectations of citizens rise and the demands for accountability grow. Here in Japan, Prime Minister Koizumi has shown leadership by pushing critical reforms to open your economy and make Japan's institutions more responsive to the needs of its people. The Prime Minister knows that nations grow in wealth and stature when they trust in the wisdom and talents of their people and that lesson is now spreading all across this great region.

Freedom is the bedrock of America's friendship with Japan and it is the bedrock of our engagement with Asia. As a Pacific nation, America is drawn by trade and values and history to be a part of the future of this region. The extraordinary economic growth of the Pacific Rim has opened new possibilities for progress and it has raised new challenges that affect us all. These challenges include working for free and fair trade, protecting our people from new threats like pandemic flu and ensuring that emerging economies have the supplies of energy they need to continue to grow. We have also learned that as freedom spreads throughout Asia and the world, it has deadly enemies: terrorists who despise freedom's progress and want to stop it by killing innocent men, women and children and intimidating their governments. I have come to Asia to discuss these common challenges at the bilateral level during my visits with leaders like Prime Minister Koizumi, and at the regional level through the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation summit. These issues are all vital and by addressing them now, we will build a freer and better future for all our citizens.

Our best opportunity to spread the freedom that comes from economic prosperity is through free and fair trade. The Doha Round of negotiations in the World Trade Organization gives us a chance to open up markets for goods, services and farm products across the globe. Under Doha, every nation will gain and the developing world stands to gain the most. The World Bank projects that the elimination of trade barriers could help lift hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. And the greatest obstacle to a successful Doha Round is the reluctance in many parts of the developed world to dismantle the tariffs, barriers and trade-distorting subsidies that isolate the worlds poor from the great opportunities of this century.

My administration has offered a bold proposal for Doha that would substantially reduce agricultural tariffs and trade-distorting subsidies in a first stage and over a period of fifteen years, eliminate them altogether. Pacific Rim leaders who are concerned about the harmful effects of high tariffs and farm subsidies need to come together to move the Doha Round forward on agriculture as well as on services and manufactured goods. And this year's summit in Korea gives APEC a chance to take a leadership role before next month's WTO meeting in Hong Kong.

APEC is the premier forum in the Asia-Pacific region for addressing economic growth, cooperation, trade and investment. Its 21 member economies account for nearly half of all world trade. By using its influence to push for an ambitious result in the Doha Round, APEC can help create a world trading system that is freer and fairer and helps spread prosperity and opportunity throughout the Asia-Pacific region.

As we come together to advance prosperity, we must also come together to ensure the health and safety of our citizens. As economies open up they create new opportunities, but this openness also exposes us to new risks. In an age of international travel and commerce, new diseases can spread rapidly. We saw the need for international cooperation and transparency three years ago, when a previously unknown virus called SARS appeared in China. When an infected doctor carried the virus out of China, it spread to Vietnam and Singapore and Canada within a month. Before long, the SARS virus had spread to nearly every continent and killed hundreds of people. By one estimate, the SARS outbreak cost the Asia-Pacific region about 40 billion dollars. The lesson of this experience is clear: We all have a common interest in working together to stop outbreaks of deadly new viruses so we can save the lives of people on both sides of the Pacific.

We now face a new and potentially more deadly threat from avian flu, which has infected bird populations across Asia. I am glad to see that governments around the region are already taking steps to prevent avian flu from becoming a pandemic. The World Health Organization is coordinating the global response to this threat and the way forward is through greater openness, greater transparency and greater cooperation. At the forthcoming summit, I look forward to discussing ways to help this region prepare for and respond to the threat of a pandemic. Every nation in the world has an interest in helping to detect and contain any outbreak before it can spread. At home, my country is taking important steps so that we are prepared in the event of an outbreak. And as the nations of Asia work to prevent a pandemic and protect their people from the scourge of avian flu, America will stand by their side.

As we address these challenges to public health, we must also confront the challenge of energy security in a tight global market where demand is growing. Asian nations understand that the best way to create opportunity and alleviate poverty is through economic growth. As their economies grow, they are using more energy. Over the last three years, the United States has launched a series of initiatives that will help these countries meet their energy needs while easing demand on global markets, reducing pollution and addressing the long-term challenge of climate change. These initiatives range from cleaner use of coal to ethanol to emission-free hydrogen vehicles to solar and wind power to clean-burning methane from mines, landfills and farms.

This summer, we took an important step toward these goals by forming the Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development. Together with Australia, China, India, Japan and South Korea, we will focus on practical ways to make the best practices and latest energy technologies available to all. And as nations across this region adopt these practices and technologies, they will make their factories and power plants cleaner and more efficient. I plan to use my visit to the region to build on the progress we are making. By working together, we will promote economic growth and reduce emissions and help build a better and cleaner world.

As we work together to meet these common challenges, we must continue to strengthen the ties of trust between our nations. And the best way to strengthen the ties of trust between nations is by advancing freedom within nations. Free nations are peaceful nations, free nations do not threaten their neighbors and free nations offer their citizens a hopeful vision for the future. By advancing the cause of liberty throughout this region, we will contribute to the prosperity of all and deliver the peace and stability that can only come from freedom.

The advance of freedom in Asia has been one of the greatest stories in human history and in the young century now before us we will add to that story. Millions in this region now live in thriving democracies, others have just started down the road of liberty and the few nations whose leaders have refused to take even the first steps to freedom are finding themselves out of step with their neighbors and isolated from the world. Even in these lonely places, the desire for freedom lives and one day freedom will reach their shores as well.

Some Asian nations have already built free and open societies. One of the most dramatic examples is the Republic of Korea, our host for the APEC summit. Like many in this part of the world, the South Koreans were for years led by governments that closed their door to political reform but gradually opened up to the global economy. By embracing freedom in the economic realm, South Korea transformed itself into an industrial power at home and a trading power abroad.

As South Korea began opening itself up to world markets, it found that economic freedom fed the just demands of its citizens for greater political freedom. The economic wealth that South Korea created at home helped nurture a thriving middle class that eventually demanded free elections and a democratic government that would be accountable to the people. We admire the struggle the South Korean people made to achieve their democratic freedom and the modern nation they have built with that freedom. South Korea is now one of the world's most successful economies and one of Asia's most successful democracies. It is also showing leadership in the world, by helping others who are claiming their own freedom. At this hour Korean forces make up the third largest contingent in the Multinational Force in Iraq, and by helping the Iraqis build a free society in the heart of the Middle East, South Korea is contributing to a more peaceful and hopeful world.

Taiwan is another society that has moved from repression to democracy as it liberalized its economy. The people of Taiwan for years lived under a restrictive political state that gradually opened up the economy. This opening to world markets transformed the island into one of the world's most important trading powers. Economic liberalization in Taiwan helped fuel its desire for individual political freedom because men and women who are allowed to control their own wealth will eventually insist on controlling their own lives and their future.

Modern Taiwan is free and democratic and prosperous. By embracing freedom at all levels, Taiwan has delivered prosperity to its people and created a free and democratic Chinese society. Our one-China policy remains unchanged. It is based on the three communiques, the Taiwan Relations Act and our belief that there should be no unilateral attempts to change the status quo by either side. The United States will continue to stress the need for dialogue between China and Taiwan that leads to a peaceful resolution of their differences.

Other Asian societies have taken some steps toward freedom but they have not yet completed the journey. When my father served as the head of our nation's diplomatic mission in Beijing 30 years ago, an isolated China was recovering from the turmoil unleashed by the Cultural Revolution. In the late 1970s, China's leaders took a hard look at their country, and they resolved to change. They opened the door to economic development and today the Chinese people are better fed, better housed, and enjoy better opportunities than they ever have in their history.

As China reforms its economy, its leaders are finding that once the door to freedom is opened even a crack, it cannot be closed. As the people of China grow in prosperity, their demands for political freedom will grow as well. President Hu has explained to me his vision of "peaceful development," and he wants his people to be more prosperous. I have pointed out that the people of China want more freedom to express themselves to worship without state control and to print Bibles and other sacred texts without fear of punishment. The efforts of China's people to improve their society should be welcomed as part of China's development. By meeting the legitimate demands of its citizens for freedom and openness, China's leaders can help their country grow into a modern, prosperous, and confident nation.

Access to American markets has played an important role in China's economic development and China needs to provide a level playing field for American businesses seeking access to China's market. The United States supported China's entry into the World Trade Organization because a China that abides by the same global rules as everyone else will contribute to a free and fair world trading system. When I met President Hu in New York, he said that China would bring more balance in our trade and protect intellectual property. I welcomed those commitments, just as I welcomed China's announcement in July that it would implement a flexible, market-based exchange system for its currency. These statements are a good beginning but China needs to take action to ensure that these goals are implemented. We need to find solutions to our trade differences with China and I look forward to frank discussions with President Hu at APEC and in Beijing. The textile agreement our two nations reached last week adds certainty and predictability for businesses in both America and China and it shows that with hard work and determination, we can come together to resolve difficult issues.

China can play a positive role in the world. We welcome the important role China has assumed as host of the six-party talks aimed at bringing peace to the Korean peninsula. We look forward to resolving our trade differences in a spirit of mutual respect and adherence to global rules and standards. And we encourage China to continue down the road of reform and openness because the freer China is at home, the greater the welcome it will receive abroad.

Unlike China, some Asian nations still have not taken even the first steps toward freedom. These regimes understand that economic liberty and political liberty go hand in hand so they refuse to open up at all. The ruling parties in these countries have managed to hold onto power. The price of their refusal to open up is isolation, backwardness and brutality. These nations represent Asia's past, not its future. By closing the door to freedom, they create misery at home and sow instability abroad.

We see that lack of freedom in Burma, a nation that should be one of the most prosperous and successful in Asia but is instead one of the region's poorest. Fifteen years ago, the Burmese people cast their ballots and they chose democracy. The government responded by jailing the leader of the pro-democracy majority. The result is that a country rich in human talent and natural resources is a place where millions struggle simply to stay alive. The abuses by the Burmese military are widespread, and include rape, torture, execution and forced relocation. Forced labor, trafficking in persons, use of child soldiers and religious discrimination are all too common. The people of Burma live in the darkness of tyranny but the light of freedom shines in their hearts. They want their liberty and one day, they will have it.

The United States is also concerned with the fate of freedom in Northeast Asia, particularly on the Korean peninsula, where great powers have collided in the past. An armistice, a truce freezes the battle lines from a war that has never really come to an end. The pursuit of nuclear weapons threatens to destabilize the region. Satellite maps of North Korea show prison camps the size of whole cities, and a country that at night is clothed in almost complete darkness.

In this new century, China, Japan and Russia have joined with the United States and South Korea to find a way to help bring peace and freedom to this troubled peninsula. The six-party talks have produced commitments to rid the Korean peninsula of nuclear weapons. These commitments must be implemented. That means a comprehensive diplomatic effort from all the countries involved backed by firm resolve. We will not forget the people of North Korea. The 21st century will be freedom's century for all Koreans and one day every citizen of that peninsula will live in dignity and freedom and prosperity at home and in peace with their neighbors abroad.

In our lifetimes, we have already been given a glimpse of this bright future. The advance of freedom and prosperity across the Asian continent has set a hopeful example for all the world. And though the democracies that have taken root in Asia are new, the dreams they express are ancient. Thousands of years before Thomas Jefferson or Abraham Lincoln, a Chinese poet wrote that, quote, "The people should be cherished, the people are the root of a country; the root firm, the country is tranquil." Today the people of Asia have made their desire for freedom clear and that their countries will only be tranquil when they are led by governments of, by and for the people.

In the 21st century, freedom is an Asian value because it is a universal value. It is freedom that enables the citizens of Asia to lead lives of dignity. It is freedom that has unleashed the creative talents of the Asian people. It is freedom that gives the citizens of this continent confidence in a future of peace for their children and grandchildren. And in the work that lies ahead, the people of this region can know: You have a partner in the American government and a friend in the American people.

On behalf of all Americans, thank you.

END

© 2005 The Associated Press